Expertise
Talk, baby, talk: why Trump's intentions to enforce lower oil prices are unlikely to scare Putin
Trump has repeatedly stated that he intends to increase oil production dramatically to reduce global hydrocarbon prices. However, in reality, he has far fewer energy-related levers to pressure Putin than many would like to think. And Trump’s campaign slogan, ‘Drill, baby, drill’, is unlikely to have seriously intimidated the Russian president.
Time for Revenge: The pendulum that swung left has been pushed backwards by voters
Throughout his presidency, Trump will attempt to partially roll back the gains made by Democrats over the past decades; however, his reform plans are unusually ambitious for a Republican. Meanwhile, the polarisation of American society will have a significant impact on the situation in the country.
Five Discourses Around The War: A new map of the Russian public sphere
The majority of Russian citizens gravitate towards a discourse on war that is almost absent in the Russian public sphere. This is loyalist pacifism, where dissatisfaction with the war is combined with loyalty to Putin and the Russian government. The demand for public representation of this ‘silent majority’ will grow as the costs of the war increase – if this happens, an unexpected transformation of Russia's discursive landscape may occur.
From adaptation to mobilisation: The logic of changes in state-business relations in the context of war and sanctions
If macroeconomic conditions deteriorate, a revision of the principles of coexistence and interaction that have developed between Russian business and the state over the past two decades seems almost inevitable – even though these very principles have ensured that the Russian economy has been highly adaptable to the shocks experienced.
Unpopular War: Russian opponents and non-opponents of the invasion of Ukraine. Part 2
Researchers identify four types of opponents to the war: ‘integrators’',isolationists', 'the oppressed', and 'activists', noting that a common trend among them is to seek common ground and interaction with the surrounding atmosphere of acceptance of the war, which, however, does not turn them into its supporters.
Unpopular War: Russian Opponents and Non-Opponents of the Invasion of Ukraine. Part 1
The personal impressions accumulated by the average Russian about the course of the war and its impact on the life of the country partially undermine trust in official information and provoke more critical judgements about the military conflict and its consequences for Russia and Russian society. However, this criticism is not transformed into an anti-war stance.
Nuclear Inferiority Complex: Escalation rhetoric through the prism of the Cold War experience
Russia's current leadership has inherited from the Soviet rulers a sense of a lack of recognition of its right to be a global power. This tension defined Soviet policy during the Cold War — from Stalin's expansionism to Khrushchev's nuclear adventurism. Today's Russian leaders have largely replicated this model; however, the Kremlin's capabilities are much further removed from these global ambitions than they were during the Soviet era.
Parallel Cheremushkin: The Absence and Presence of 'War' in a Provincial Russian City
From the very beginning of the war, sociologists have faced the question of how to study public opinion under a repressive and militaristic regime. To understand how Russians feel about the war and adapt to the new military reality, researchers from the Public Sociology Laboratory have conducted an incredible immersion experiment – they travelled to three Russian regions, where they spent a month in participant observation mode, without publicising the subject of their study.
Protracted Military Putinism: How long it will last and how it will end. Realities and projections
The political regime that emerged in Russia as a result of the transformation of the war from blitzkrieg into a protracted conflict has overcome a period of vulnerability and instability. Protracted military Putinism should now be considered the baseline scenario, within which the regime is able to mitigate imbalances, endure significant deterioration of the economy and manage political risks. However, this does not mean that the regime has overcome threats and challenges.
Dynamics of Isolation in Conditions of Fragmentation: The results of two years of the sanctions experiment
The limited effect of sanctions against Russia has been determined by several factors: changes in the structure of the global economy, the effects of the logic of arbitrage, and the internal contradictions of the sanctions regime. Any further dynamics of the impact of sanctions will be cyclical: new tools of control will be created and new ways to circumvent them will emerge as a result. And, in the long term, everything will depend on the extent to which the Russian economy retains its market core.
The Aftermath of Crocus City Hall Terrorist Attack: Labor Migration Policy, Public opinion and Dysfunctional Autocracy
The terror attack at Crocus City Hall was a catastrophic failure by the Russian authorities and security services. However, the Kremlin's dual strategy of blaming Ukraine and the West for the attack along with a large-scale anti-migrant campaign, has allowed the authorities to shirk responsibility for this failure. Authoritarian dysfunction results in human and economic losses but is offset by the successful use of conservative mobilisation tools.
Inside and Outside Censorship: The Russian media landscape two years after the outbreak of the war
Over the past two years, the Russian media landscape has undergone an unprecedented transformation. Following the onset of the war and the introduction of what can be considered as wartime censorship in Russia, a significant portion of the country’s media relocated beyond the country and continued its activities in uncensored spaces. The outcomes of this unique experiment are likely to be significant not only for Russia but also for other countries undergoing processes of autocratisation.
Between Moderate Xenophobia and Low Tolerance: The perception of migrants after the terror attack at Crocus City Hall
After the terrorist attack at Crocus City Hall, the number of attacks on Central Asian migrants and anti-migrant statements by Russian authorities and politicians has markedly increased. However, polling data does not indicate a surge in xenophobia, which remains at a moderate level, rather it shows a majority loyal to the authorities, who are not receiving signals of tolerance from above. It is these signals that fuel their ‘suspicion’ towards migrants.
Bots On Russian Social Media: How Network Propaganda Works by
We deal with bots and trolls every day, often without noticing or realising it. There may not be many of them, but their activity, consolidated position, and aggressiveness allow them to capture and moderate the discussion, provoking an effect similar to the phenomenon of the ‘spiral of silence'. Bots and trolls are tools of horizontal network propaganda, designed to distort real users' perception of the nation’s 'imaginary majority'.
'The Russian Model' in Search of Unemployment: the specifics of the Russian labour market hinder its adaptation to structural shifts
Labour shortage and the frantic demand for workers are contributing to wage growth and adding to the overheating of the Russian economy and inflation. This unfavourable situation is exacerbated by the specific features of the Russian labour market model that have developed in the post-Soviet period. It ensures low formal unemployment and enables the market to adapt well to crises, but it hinders the relocation of the workforce in the face of various structural or cyclical shifts.
Propaganda in the Network Environment: How propaganda has changed in the era of social media and during times of war
Propaganda in the era of social media is aimed not so much at promoting a particular ideological doctrine as at moderating public discourse. It may address various messages to different audiences and primarily involves engaging the consumer in the process of dissemination, a sort of process of co-authorship. Today, the Russian state effectively utilises all these properties and capabilities of network propaganda.
Spontaneous sanctuaries: Navalny's death and memorial protest in Russia
Over the past two weeks, a wave of spontaneous memorials to Navalny has swept across Russia around symbolically charged places such as monuments to victims of political repression, but also in courtyards and entrances of residential buildings, and even on online maps. During this time, there have been at least 500 'flower' memorials in 232 cities and towns in Russia, and the list continues to grow. What do they mean, and what tradition stands behind them?
The Lead-up to the Murder: Navalny and protest politics in Russia
Alexei Navalny emerged as a central figure in opposition to Putin's authoritarianism, inspiring tens of thousands with the heroism of his fearlessness and fostering a new ethic of resistance. However, Navalny's political biography is not merely a derivative of his heroic persona. The phenomenon of Navalny is shaped by a confluence of expectations and aspirations that he embodied, becoming both a voluntary hostage and a symbol of them.
Historical Politics: Ideologisation of society as an attempt to change Post-Soviet identity
The current stage of the state's ideological expansion is designed, on the one hand, to definitively exclude and 'cancel' the liberal segment of Russian society, and, on the other hand, to change the identity of that part of society that absorbed the ideological opportunism of the 2000s, thereby neutralising the value baggage and liberal aspirations of the perestroika and post-perestroika era.
The Dead Ends of War: How public opinion changed during the second year of the war
Second Demobilisation: How public opinion changed during the second year of the war
The core of support for the war in 2023 decreased one and a half times and became proportionate to those who generally lean towards anti-war views. The share of those who would be unwilling to support a decision by Putin to immediately withdraw troops also decreased, and by the end of the year, it became smaller than the share of those who would be willing to support such a decision. However, all this has led not to an increase in the number of people who oppose the war, but rather to the expansion of a zone of blurred and alienated attitudes toward it.
Trump has repeatedly stated that he intends to increase oil production dramatically to reduce global hydrocarbon prices. However, in reality, he has far fewer energy-related levers to pressure Putin than many would like to think. And Trump’s campaign slogan, ‘Drill, baby, drill’, is unlikely to have seriously intimidated the Russian president.
Time for Revenge: The pendulum that swung left has been pushed backwards by voters
Throughout his presidency, Trump will attempt to partially roll back the gains made by Democrats over the past decades; however, his reform plans are unusually ambitious for a Republican. Meanwhile, the polarisation of American society will have a significant impact on the situation in the country.
Five Discourses Around The War: A new map of the Russian public sphere
The majority of Russian citizens gravitate towards a discourse on war that is almost absent in the Russian public sphere. This is loyalist pacifism, where dissatisfaction with the war is combined with loyalty to Putin and the Russian government. The demand for public representation of this ‘silent majority’ will grow as the costs of the war increase – if this happens, an unexpected transformation of Russia's discursive landscape may occur.
From adaptation to mobilisation: The logic of changes in state-business relations in the context of war and sanctions
If macroeconomic conditions deteriorate, a revision of the principles of coexistence and interaction that have developed between Russian business and the state over the past two decades seems almost inevitable – even though these very principles have ensured that the Russian economy has been highly adaptable to the shocks experienced.
Unpopular War: Russian opponents and non-opponents of the invasion of Ukraine. Part 2
Researchers identify four types of opponents to the war: ‘integrators’',isolationists', 'the oppressed', and 'activists', noting that a common trend among them is to seek common ground and interaction with the surrounding atmosphere of acceptance of the war, which, however, does not turn them into its supporters.
Unpopular War: Russian Opponents and Non-Opponents of the Invasion of Ukraine. Part 1
The personal impressions accumulated by the average Russian about the course of the war and its impact on the life of the country partially undermine trust in official information and provoke more critical judgements about the military conflict and its consequences for Russia and Russian society. However, this criticism is not transformed into an anti-war stance.
Nuclear Inferiority Complex: Escalation rhetoric through the prism of the Cold War experience
Russia's current leadership has inherited from the Soviet rulers a sense of a lack of recognition of its right to be a global power. This tension defined Soviet policy during the Cold War — from Stalin's expansionism to Khrushchev's nuclear adventurism. Today's Russian leaders have largely replicated this model; however, the Kremlin's capabilities are much further removed from these global ambitions than they were during the Soviet era.
Parallel Cheremushkin: The Absence and Presence of 'War' in a Provincial Russian City
From the very beginning of the war, sociologists have faced the question of how to study public opinion under a repressive and militaristic regime. To understand how Russians feel about the war and adapt to the new military reality, researchers from the Public Sociology Laboratory have conducted an incredible immersion experiment – they travelled to three Russian regions, where they spent a month in participant observation mode, without publicising the subject of their study.
Protracted Military Putinism: How long it will last and how it will end. Realities and projections
The political regime that emerged in Russia as a result of the transformation of the war from blitzkrieg into a protracted conflict has overcome a period of vulnerability and instability. Protracted military Putinism should now be considered the baseline scenario, within which the regime is able to mitigate imbalances, endure significant deterioration of the economy and manage political risks. However, this does not mean that the regime has overcome threats and challenges.
Dynamics of Isolation in Conditions of Fragmentation: The results of two years of the sanctions experiment
The limited effect of sanctions against Russia has been determined by several factors: changes in the structure of the global economy, the effects of the logic of arbitrage, and the internal contradictions of the sanctions regime. Any further dynamics of the impact of sanctions will be cyclical: new tools of control will be created and new ways to circumvent them will emerge as a result. And, in the long term, everything will depend on the extent to which the Russian economy retains its market core.
The Aftermath of Crocus City Hall Terrorist Attack: Labor Migration Policy, Public opinion and Dysfunctional Autocracy
The terror attack at Crocus City Hall was a catastrophic failure by the Russian authorities and security services. However, the Kremlin's dual strategy of blaming Ukraine and the West for the attack along with a large-scale anti-migrant campaign, has allowed the authorities to shirk responsibility for this failure. Authoritarian dysfunction results in human and economic losses but is offset by the successful use of conservative mobilisation tools.
Inside and Outside Censorship: The Russian media landscape two years after the outbreak of the war
Over the past two years, the Russian media landscape has undergone an unprecedented transformation. Following the onset of the war and the introduction of what can be considered as wartime censorship in Russia, a significant portion of the country’s media relocated beyond the country and continued its activities in uncensored spaces. The outcomes of this unique experiment are likely to be significant not only for Russia but also for other countries undergoing processes of autocratisation.
Between Moderate Xenophobia and Low Tolerance: The perception of migrants after the terror attack at Crocus City Hall
After the terrorist attack at Crocus City Hall, the number of attacks on Central Asian migrants and anti-migrant statements by Russian authorities and politicians has markedly increased. However, polling data does not indicate a surge in xenophobia, which remains at a moderate level, rather it shows a majority loyal to the authorities, who are not receiving signals of tolerance from above. It is these signals that fuel their ‘suspicion’ towards migrants.
Bots On Russian Social Media: How Network Propaganda Works by
We deal with bots and trolls every day, often without noticing or realising it. There may not be many of them, but their activity, consolidated position, and aggressiveness allow them to capture and moderate the discussion, provoking an effect similar to the phenomenon of the ‘spiral of silence'. Bots and trolls are tools of horizontal network propaganda, designed to distort real users' perception of the nation’s 'imaginary majority'.
'The Russian Model' in Search of Unemployment: the specifics of the Russian labour market hinder its adaptation to structural shifts
Labour shortage and the frantic demand for workers are contributing to wage growth and adding to the overheating of the Russian economy and inflation. This unfavourable situation is exacerbated by the specific features of the Russian labour market model that have developed in the post-Soviet period. It ensures low formal unemployment and enables the market to adapt well to crises, but it hinders the relocation of the workforce in the face of various structural or cyclical shifts.
Propaganda in the Network Environment: How propaganda has changed in the era of social media and during times of war
Propaganda in the era of social media is aimed not so much at promoting a particular ideological doctrine as at moderating public discourse. It may address various messages to different audiences and primarily involves engaging the consumer in the process of dissemination, a sort of process of co-authorship. Today, the Russian state effectively utilises all these properties and capabilities of network propaganda.
Spontaneous sanctuaries: Navalny's death and memorial protest in Russia
Over the past two weeks, a wave of spontaneous memorials to Navalny has swept across Russia around symbolically charged places such as monuments to victims of political repression, but also in courtyards and entrances of residential buildings, and even on online maps. During this time, there have been at least 500 'flower' memorials in 232 cities and towns in Russia, and the list continues to grow. What do they mean, and what tradition stands behind them?
The Lead-up to the Murder: Navalny and protest politics in Russia
Alexei Navalny emerged as a central figure in opposition to Putin's authoritarianism, inspiring tens of thousands with the heroism of his fearlessness and fostering a new ethic of resistance. However, Navalny's political biography is not merely a derivative of his heroic persona. The phenomenon of Navalny is shaped by a confluence of expectations and aspirations that he embodied, becoming both a voluntary hostage and a symbol of them.
Historical Politics: Ideologisation of society as an attempt to change Post-Soviet identity
The current stage of the state's ideological expansion is designed, on the one hand, to definitively exclude and 'cancel' the liberal segment of Russian society, and, on the other hand, to change the identity of that part of society that absorbed the ideological opportunism of the 2000s, thereby neutralising the value baggage and liberal aspirations of the perestroika and post-perestroika era.
The Dead Ends of War: How public opinion changed during the second year of the war
Second Demobilisation: How public opinion changed during the second year of the war
The core of support for the war in 2023 decreased one and a half times and became proportionate to those who generally lean towards anti-war views. The share of those who would be unwilling to support a decision by Putin to immediately withdraw troops also decreased, and by the end of the year, it became smaller than the share of those who would be willing to support such a decision. However, all this has led not to an increase in the number of people who oppose the war, but rather to the expansion of a zone of blurred and alienated attitudes toward it.
