Negative Charm: China strengthens its position as a global superpower thanks to the US reputation crisis

Counter movement

Donald Trump assures his electorate that the United States has entered a new era of greatness and that America is once again respected worldwide. By this, he usually means the deliberate flattery directed towards him by other world leaders, intended to pursue their own objectives and mitigate the destructive potential of his unpredictability. International surveys, however, show that attitudes towards the US are worsening, particularly in those countries and social groups where America once enjoyed a high level of trust and was seen as an ally. This deterioration is directly tied to Trump’s persona and his foreign-policy innovation (→ Re:Russia: Reputation Knockdown). At the same time, as we anticipated in our previous review, the main beneficiary of this shift in perceptions of America is China, the United States’ primary strategic rival. A new survey conducted by the Pew Research Centre (PRC) in 25 countries illustrates where, how and why China’s position is strengthening in different parts of the world at the expense of the US.

The median level of favourable attitudes towards China across all 25 countries in 2025 stood at 36%, while unfavourable views accounted for 54%. A year ago, the ratio was 31 to 61%; thus, China’s 'negative rating' (the difference between positive and negative assessments) has dropped from 30 to 18 points. The most sceptical and even hostile views of China are found in developed countries (OECD nations), especially where China is perceived as a direct threat (Japan, South Korea, the US, Australia, where 76–86% of respondents hold unfavourable views of China). The next group comprises other developed, especially European, nations, among which Sweden, Germany, the Netherlands and Canada are most critical of China (63–79%). A further group of European countries, including France, Italy, Spain and the UK, displays a moderately negative perception of China (52–59%), alongside Turkey and Israel. Among European nations, only Greece and Hungary have a majority with a positive perception of China. A favourable view of China is also prevalent in Indonesia, several African countries (Kenya, Niger) and Latin American states (Mexico, Brazil).

However, over the past year, attitudes towards China have improved in 21 out of 25 countries (remained unchanged in three and worsened in South Korea). Notably, this positive shift is mainly seen in developed countries: in 13 of them, favourable attitudes have risen by 7 to 13 percentage points. Interestingly, in all countries except Hungary, young people tend to view China more positively than older generations. This age gap is most pronounced in Poland (56% positive among 18–34-year-olds versus 28% among those aged 50+), the UK (56% versus 28%), Canada (50% versus 23%), Spain (53% versus 31%) and the Netherlands (45% versus 24%).

Country-specific attitudes towards Xi Jinping largely mirror those towards China, though his median trust ratings are 10 percentage points lower than for the country itself (65% distrust him, 25% trust him). Over the past year, attitudes towards the Chinese leader have also improved, but within a more modest range of 6–10 points and in fewer countries. The largest increases were recorded in Canada and Turkey (+10 points), Mexico (+9 points), as well as the UK, Germany and Brazil (+8 points).

Attitudes towards the United States and Donald Trump, on the other hand, show the opposite trend. The median trust in Trump across 24 countries stands at only 34%. Trust in Trump in 2025 is 13 points lower than the trust placed in Joe Biden in 2024. The share of respondents expressing a positive opinion of the US has fallen in 15 countries over the past two years, and by 15–32 points in 10 of them. As a result, only 49% of respondents expressed a positive opinion of the US this summer, with an equal 49% holding a negative view, whereas in the 2023 survey, the ratio was 59 to 31%. Thus, the United States has effectively erased its positive rating, while China has managed to reduce its negative standing.

Partial reversal of economic leadership

Perhaps the most striking and worrying aspect of China’s image is its success in the economic sphere. Today, on average, 41% of respondents across 25 countries believe that China is already the world’s leading economic power. Only 39% ascribe that status to the United States. In 2023, the situation was the reverse: 33% regarded China as the leading economic power, while 41% named the US. Thus, over the past two years, a tectonic shift has occurred in perceptions of the two countries’ economic prospects and the global economic 'league table'.

In some countries, the change is particularly striking. For example, in Indonesia in 2023, the ratio of those who ranked the US first among economic players to those who named China was 35% to 16%, whereas in 2025 it is 23% to 46%. A similar shift is seen in Greece, where the ratio in 2023 was 37% to 48%, but by 2025 it had become 25% to 63%. In Germany, Spain, Mexico, Argentina and South Africa, the share prioritising China’s economy has grown by 8–12 percentage points. As we have noted before, in Europe the belief that China has already become the leading economic power is surprisingly widespread. In seven major European countries (including Germany, France, Italy, Spain), 49–63% of respondents hold this view. Conversely, in Asian countries (Japan, South Korea, India) only 8–13% of respondents think this, with 22–25% in Israel and Turkey.

The US itself falls into the group of countries where respondents are roughly split on this issue, or where one side holds only a small advantage (this group also includes the UK, Sweden, Brazil and South Africa). 38% of Americans give economic primacy to China, compared with 48% who believe in their own economy. The only country where the US has not only retained but strengthened its position over the past two years is Canada: today, Canadians are 10 points more likely than in 2023 to name the US as the leading economic power, while assessments of China have fallen by 9 points.

At the same time, somewhat paradoxically, most respondents still consider economic ties with the US more important for their country than ties with China. This includes European countries which believe that China has already overtaken the United States in the race for the title of the world’s leading economic superpower. Even in Hungary, whose authorities have made Chinese investment a priority despite EU policy, 50% view economic relations with the United States as most important, while only 16% prioritise ties with China. Two factors, however, explain this apparent paradox. Firstly, the United States is the most premium market for exports (which is precisely why Trump can threaten the world with his tariffs), and secondly, this relates to the transfer of technology. The only exceptions, that is countries where either the majority of respondents prioritise ties with China or where the two viewpoints are nearly equal, are Indonesia, Australia, Kenya, South Africa, and Mexico. The latter of which is a direct neighbour of the United States and so is particularly notable on this list (44% prioritise ties with the US, 45% with China).

At the same time, the share of those who consider economic ties with China a priority has increased in more than half of the countries where this question was previously asked. These shifts are largely linked to the low level of trust in both Trump’s tariff policy and his ability to handle global economic challenges (in another PRC survey, only 32% of respondents expressed confidence in this regard). In most surveyed countries, respondents who trust Trump’s economic competencies less are more likely to favour closer economic ties with China, according to PRC analysts. It is also noteworthy that in most countries, people with left-wing political views are more inclined to prioritise economic relations with China, while those on the right prefer ties with the United States. This is connected to the fact that right-leaning voters tend to trust Trump and believe in his economic abilities.

Thus, whereas previously the United States was seen both as the strongest economy and the most desirable economic partner, it has now lost the lead on the first indicator, but for the time being, has retained the second.

Dangerous ties and lost advantages

A significant share of respondents in middle-income countries (Argentina, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Mexico, Nigeria, South Africa, and Turkey) are focused on the problems that come with cooperation with China. For instance, 50% consider their country’s debt dependence on China to be a major problem, while 35% are concerned about China’s growing military power. Debt to the United States is regarded as a very serious issue by even more respondents (59%), and American military strength is viewed as a serious problem by 43%.

While the West is concerned about the potential threats posed by Chinese investments, countries of the Global South tend to perceive the risks associated with American investments as higher than those linked to China. In Turkey, for example, 48% of respondents consider US interference in domestic politics a very serious problem, whereas only 18% say the same about China’s involvement. In Mexico, these figures stand at 44% versus 17%, and in Argentina, 38% versus 26%. The only country where US interference is less worrying than China’s is India, China's neighbour and regional rival (20% to 35%).

Notably, in none of the nine middle-income countries selected for the survey did respondents name China as the main threat to their country, whereas the United States leads in this respect in Mexico (68% versus 5% for China), Indonesia (40% versus 19%), South Africa (35% versus 13%), Brazil (29% versus 15%), and Argentina (24% versus 13%). In Turkey, Israel is viewed as the primary threat (43%), but the US is in second place (30%), while only 2% are concerned about China. India again stands apart, where Pakistan is considered the main threat (41%), China ranks second (33%), and only 2% see the United States as a danger.

Among all 25 countries surveyed, China ranks first as the main threat in only three countries: Australia (52%), Japan (53%) and the United States (42%). In contrast, the US holds this position in seven countries (Mexico, Canada, Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, Argentina, and Spain), while Russia is perceived as the primary threat in eight (the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Hungary, and Poland). Overall, four groups of countries can be identified in terms of perceiving the United States as a threat or ally. The first group comprises ten countries where the US is primarily viewed as an ally: Israel, South Korea, Japan, the United Kingdom, Poland, Italy, Australia, India, Nigeria, and Hungary. The second group includes countries where opinions are almost evenly split (Canada, Argentina, Brazil, Kenya, and Mexico). In South Africa, Indonesia, and Spain, the dominant perception is of the US as a threat. The fourth group consists of countries where the US is neither seen as the main ally nor the main threat — this group primarily includes EU countries (Germany, France, Sweden, Greece, the Netherlands) and Turkey.

In conclusion, the data from the PRC’s extensive survey suggests that China’s continued consolidation as a second superpower and the growth of its global influence are largely driven by the devaluation of the advantages that the United States once held in the eyes of global public opinion. Fears of Chinese hegemony and the risks associated with cooperation with China remain, but perceptions of threats emanating from the United States are growing, thereby eroding the virtues previously associated with the US and levelling the playing field between the two superpowers. This is occurring not only in the Global South but also in developed nations, particularly among younger generations.

The most alarming trend for America, as previously noted, is the weakening perception of its economic might. The Trump administration’s response has been an increasing reliance on 'hard power' tools while limiting or abandoning the use of 'soft power.' However, it is this very transformation that deprives the United States of its former 'moral advantage' in the eyes of global public opinion. While the preference for economic ties with the US remains, at first glance, an important resource of American influence in most countries, the paradox is that Trump’s tariff policy, which is aimed at strengthening the American economy, is making the US less attractive as a premium market (as tariffs are designed to reduce the profitability of exporting to the US), thereby undermining this competitive edge.